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9:16, 21 November 2017

NYT &ampgt Education

NYT &ampgt Education

In 2006, the endowments of Indiana University and Texas Christian University invested millions of dollars in a partnership, hoping to mint riches from oil, gas and coal.

The partnership was formed by the Houston-primarily based Quintana Capital Group, whose principals consist of Donald L. Evans, an influential Texan and longtime supporter of former President George W. Bush. Tiny far more than a year earlier, Mr. Evans had left his cabinet position as commerce secretary.

Although the group had an impressive Texas pedigree, presidential cachet and ambitions for operations in the United States, the new partnership was established in the Cayman Islands. The founders promised their university and nonprofit investors that the partnership would try to steer clear of federal taxes by exploiting a loophole named “blocker corporations,” which are usually established in tax havens about the planet.

NYT &ampgt Education

A trove of millions of leaked documents from a Bermuda-based law firm, Appleby, reflects some of the tax wizardry utilized by American colleges and universities. Schools have increasingly turned to secretive offshore investments, the files show, which let them swell their endowments with blocker corporations, and steer clear of scrutiny of ventures involving fossil fuels or other concerns that could set off campus controversy.

Buoyed by lucrative tax breaks, college endowments have amassed a lot more than $500 billion nationwide. The wealth is concentrated in a small group of schools, tilting toward private institutions like these in the Ivy League and other extremely selective colleges. About 11 % of greater-education institutions in the United States hold 74 % of the money, according to an evaluation in 2015 by the Congressional Study Service.

“It’s overwhelmingly weighted towards the 1 percent,” mentioned Dean Zerbe, former tax counsel to the Senate Finance Committee. “Most of the schools are the most elites in the country.”

The Property Republican tax plan involves a 1.four percent tax on the investment earnings of private colleges and universities with endowment assets of $250,000 or a lot more per student. It would not apply to public schools. If passed, the new tax would have an effect on about 70 elite private colleges, although it would not touch the type of offshore rewards the Texan partnership pursued.

On Monday, 45 education groups declared their opposition to the bill in a letter to Kevin Brady, the Texas Republican who is the chairman of the House Ways and Implies Committee.

Tax ‘Blockers’

College and university endowment earnings are typically tax-exempt. But as endowments have sought higher investment returns in current years, they have shifted far more of their income out of standard holdings like United States equities to alternative, potentially more lucrative investments. These consist of private equity and hedge funds that often borrow funds, opening them up to tax consequences.

When schools earn income from enterprises unrelated to their core educational missions, they can be needed to spend a tax that was intended to avert nonprofits from competing unfairly with for-profit organizations.

Establishing one more corporate layer amongst private equity funds and endowments successfully blocks any taxable earnings from flowing to the endowments, the cause they are called blocker corporations. The tax is alternatively owed by the corporations, which are established in no-tax or low-tax jurisdictions like the Cayman Islands or the British Virgin Islands.

“Congress is basically subsidizing nonprofits by permitting them to engage in these transactions,” mentioned Norman I. Silber, a law professor at Hofstra University who co-authored a paper on blocker corporations in 2015. “They’re allowing them to borrow so that they can create up their endowments.”

The use of blocker corporations has raised issues amongst policymakers in recent years. That is partly because they price the United States Treasury millions of dollars, but also since they legitimize an opaque offshore network often employed for nefarious purposes.

“They’re not cheating. They’re not hiding funds or disguising money,” said Samuel Brunson, a law professor at Loyola University Chicago who has studied endowment taxation. “But they’re adding money to a technique that makes it possible for men and women, if they want to hide their income, to do it.” Not only do the universities advantage — so does the wealthy and influential private equity sector.

Maybe illustrating the sensitivity of the topic, officials at most of the college and university endowments that use blocker corporations, which includes Colgate, Dartmouth, Duke and Stanford, declined to comment especially, citing longstanding policies against discussing their investments. Amongst them was Matt Kavgian, the director of strategic communications for Indiana University’s $2 billion endowment, which had invested $10 million with Quintana.

An exception was the Quintana shareholder Texas Christian University, whose chief investment officer, Jim Hille, acknowledged that the $1.five billion endowment had employed blocker corporations. Mr. Hille said the decision to use one usually came down to whether the expected return would offset the expense of establishing a blocker corporation.

References to such corporations in the Appleby files, shared with The New York Instances by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, which obtained them from the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung, date back at least to 2003. At that time, 5 elite schools — Columbia University, Dartmouth College, the University of Southern California, Stanford University and Johns Hopkins University — became partners in a Bermuda-primarily based group named H&ampampF Investors Blocker.

H&ampampF Investors Blocker was formed to invest with a single of the largest private equity firms, Hellman &ampamp Friedman, in shares of Axel Springer, a German publisher of newspapers and magazines.

Minutes from meetings at Appleby’s office in Hamilton, Bermuda, by no means mention tax avoidance or even clarify why the word “blocker” is used in the partnership’s title. But an audit by Ernst &ampamp Young, contained in the minutes, shows that H&ampampF Investors Blocker would owe no federal income tax.

By 2008, the University of Texas system — whose endowment last year was $24.two billion, behind Harvard’s ($34.5 billion) and Yale’s ($25.4 billion) — asked Appleby to set up a Cayman Islands firm called TX Liquidity Capital so “certain tax benefits will accrue to the program,” documents show.

Colgate University, with an endowment worth $822 million final year, stood to benefit from blocker corporations in 2008 when it invested in Genstar Capital, a private equity fund specializing in leveraged buyouts, according to the records. 1 investor in that Cayman Islands partnership, named Genstar Capital Partners V HV, took pains to incorporate a handwritten a note close to his signature: “elect to invest via the blocker.” Other investors had been Dartmouth, Stanford and a Duke fund named Gothic Corporation.

A Shift in Public Attitude

Whilst legal, blocker corporations are portion of a system of endowment tax breaks fueling an undercurrent of populist anger. Many students across the country struggle below massive college debt. At the very same time, critics say, some wealthy schools use these tax positive aspects to stockpile endowments that exceed the gross national product of whole nations.

Final year, three influential Republican legislators, led by Senator Orrin G. Hatch of Utah, sent a letter to 56 private universities with endowments of $1 billion or much more, requesting info on “the numerous tax preferences” they enjoy. “Despite these massive and growing endowments,” the letter said, “many colleges and universities have raised tuition far in excess of inflation.”

So far, universities have mobilized lobbyists to emphasize the public rewards they deliver, beating back challenges to their tax breaks. But there is evidence that the mood has shifted, mentioned Charlie Eaton, a professor at the University of California, Merced, who has studied endowment tax breaks.

“In some ways, the anti-elite and anti-university spirit of Trumpism could produce a favorable environment on Capitol Hill for some sort of action on this,” Dr. Eaton mentioned. “That’s element of the reason universities urgently need to grapple with this. Simply because people genuinely really feel that our elite universities have turn out to be islands of wealth.”

In a study this year, Dr. Eaton estimated that a trio of tax breaks benefiting universities charges federal taxpayers $19.six billion a year. Taxpayers, many of them wealthy, get breaks when they donate to colleges. Tax-free municipal bonds allow schools to borrow income at low rates. And for the most element, endowment investment returns are tax-cost-free.

Controversial Ventures

Several Appleby documents offer you a glimpse into the complex economic transactions and investments, some controversial, that university endowments engage in all over the world, aside from using blockers.

Universities have been under pressure from both students and activists to shift to “green” investments in response to climate adjust, as effectively as to take social policy and worldwide governance troubles into account in investments.

The Appleby records show that investment funds of Columbia and Duke, both ranked in the best 20 endowments, held shares as not too long ago as 2015 in Ferrous Resources, registered in the Isle of Man. Its principal enterprise is iron mining in Brazil.

The company drew criticism there with a planned 480 kilometer pipeline to transport iron slurry from a mine in Minas Gerais to a port.

“Major demonstrations took spot against this project, which culminated in the creation of a campaign,’” researchers wrote in a 2015 paper published in the journal Society &ampamp Nature.

A 2010 environmental study of the pipeline revealed that a lot more than 110,000 men and women might be affected by noise, dust, soil degradation and water quality troubles. The project was postponed in 2012 following a downturn in iron prices.

The business, Ferrous Resources, declined to comment, except to say that the project had been discontinued.

Columbia, which owned more than eight million shares in Ferrous Recources, or 1.1 percent of the company, declined to comment. A variety of investment funds connected to Duke, which also declined to comment, held a lot more than two million shares in the business.

While some schools have announced shifts away from controversial investments, others have pointed out that divesting from fossil fuels would almost certainly lead to a important drop in operating funds.

Underscoring endowments’ reliance on hydrocarbon holdings, ten schools invested in a Cayman Islands partnership in 2012 known as EnCap Energy Capital Fund IX-C, part of EnCap Investments, a private equity firm recognized for the acquisition and development of North American oil and gas properties.

Among the investors have been the University of Alabama, DePauw, Northeastern, Pittsburgh, Purdue, Reed College, Rutgers, Syracuse, Texas Tech and Washington State.

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